Salvo 04.20.2026 6 minutes

The President Versus the Pope

Pope Leo XIV Holds Inauguration Mass In St. Peter’s Square

They need to cease their public quarrel.

For decades, the relationship between the United States and the Vatican has played a vital role in promoting individual liberties, religious freedom, and resisting authoritarianism in the West. This partnership, forged by then-President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II, helped hasten the dissolution of the Soviet Union and contributed to the liberation of millions from Communism’s grip.

When aligned, America and Rome have exercised a formidable moral and geopolitical influence, representing the best of Western civilization. Yet the current feud between them, as historian Paul Kengor suggests, potentially presents a new cold war that could have deep ramifications for the future of free government.

While tension between political leaders and pontiffs is nothing new in world history, open hostility risks undermining cooperation at a moment when it is badly needed. The path back to stability—and to the renewal of Western civilization—will require both Trump and Leo to draw from the lessons of the past.

Round One

For Trump, who is lobbing derogatory insults at the Holy Father, history offers a clear warning: conflicts with the papacy rarely end well for political leaders.

Napoleon Bonaparte learned this lesson the hard way.

Following the French Revolution’s Jacobin chaos and anti-clericalism, Napoleon initially restored relations with the Catholic Church through the Concordat of 1801. For a time, he was hailed as a stabilizing force and the “Restorer of Religion.” Despite the renewed agreement, the French emperor largely viewed religion as “a social utility” and a tool of statecraft, per Andrew Roberts’s Napoleon: A Life.

Within several years, however, relations with the Vatican rapidly deteriorated, with Napoleon’s ire being ignited by Pope Pius VII’s neutrality in continental politics. In response, the French emperor annexed the Papal States and then imprisoned the Holy Father. Unsurprisingly, these moves backfired. Catholics across Europe were outraged, and the pope’s dignified resistance cast Napoleon as a tyrant. In Spain, anger over Napoleon’s treatment of the Church helped fuel insurgency and resistance to French rule. Even secular observers recoiled at the excess.

What began as an assertion of power weakened Napoleon, diplomatically and politically.

Trump is no Napoleon. And no similar extreme scenario is on the horizon. Nevertheless, the broader lesson applies: antagonizing the Holy Father is not a good idea. If Trump hopes to build an international coalition to counter Iran, publicly disparaging the pope as “WEAK” on crime and “terrible” on foreign policy risks alienating key allies and domestic support, thus undermining his own objectives.

Indeed, Catholics including high-profile clergy like Bishop Robert Barron and the Knights of Columbus have denounced the president’s treatment of the pontiff. CatholicVote, a right-leaning advocacy group whose former president is currently the U.S. ambassador to the Holy See, called Trump’s rhetoric “insulting,” arguing that it “crossed, again, a line of decorum.” For the 2026 congressional midterms, the president-pontiff rift might exacerbate predicted Republican electoral defeats, leaving Trump less able to achieve his MAGA agenda in his last two years in office.

At the same time, Trump’s underlying concerns are not without merit. A nuclear Iran poses a legitimate national—and international—threat to global stability. The “death to America” chants notwithstanding (and even assassination attempts on Trump’s life), Iran has sponsored terrorism for nearly half a century, including the heinous October 7 massacre, which disrupted normalization talks between Israel and Saudi Arabia.

Open borders, meanwhile, have brought increased crime to American cities and compounded financial burdens on taxpayers. If the president’s oath is to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution, Trump—and Congress—are duty-bound to improve the lives of American citizens.

Leo, on the other hand, as the Vicar of Christ, is equally justified in criticizing the president’s rhetorical threat to destroy Iran’s civilization as “truly unacceptable.” As the Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches, “The end does not justify the means,” meaning one cannot do evil even if it produces a good outcome. As for migration, Christ offered the parable of the Good Samaritan for a reason, and the lessons therein should cause us to reflect on “who is my neighbor.”

Yet moral clarity must also be paired with prudence. Leo must have calculated that his comment would goad a Trumpian response. After all, if not the Trump Administration, to whom was his message directed? The declaration, in some respects, may have been counterproductive to U.S.-Vatican relations.

Stronger Together

Another important point is that the Catholic Church has never been a pacifist entity entirely. Broad declarations such as “God does not hear the prayers of leaders who start wars” oversimplify a complex tradition. Throughout history, the Church has wrestled with the reality that force, in certain circumstances, may be necessary to preserve peace, protect the innocent, and defend Western civilization. The just war tradition exists precisely because the world is not free from grave threats.

On this point, Leo should draw lessons from another October 7 (this being in 1571) with another Pope Pius (Pius V).

The Battle of Lepanto is arguably one of the most consequential naval engagements in human history, as the Ottoman Empire not only threatened European sovereignty, but Christendom. In the years before, Islamic nations unleashed devastating assaults, killing Christians, capturing their territory, and enslaving many. Pius V recognized the danger of further Islamic conquests in the Mediterranean and knew the belligerent forces had to be halted. 

In turn, in a show of diplomatic fortitude and agency, Pius assembled and financially supported a combined force known as the Holy League, which included Naples, Sardinia, Venice, Genoa, Savoy, and the Knights Hospitallers. Moreover, according to Word on Fire, he “ordered the churches of Rome opened for prayer day and night, encouraging the faithful to petition the intercession of the Blessed Virgin Mary through the recitation of the Rosary.” 

Ultimately, the Holy League defeated the Ottomans. In honor, the Church now celebrates October 7 as the Feast of Our Lady of the Rosary. 

Yes, the peacemakers are blessed—but as Lepanto proves, peace sometimes can be achieved only through strength and action, not merely words alone. Today’s climate may require more action akin to Pius V or Pope John Paul II.

As Trump has suggested, Iran has been a bad actor for decades, disrupting peace in the Middle East while murdering its own citizens. Indeed, European capitals and the Vatican would be in range of an Iranian ballistic missile, as demonstrated by the recent launch against the Diego Garcia military base in the Indian Ocean. Additionally, mass migration has ignited instability in the United States and Europe.

This is why the current dispute is so counterproductive. Both Trump and Leo are advancing arguments that, in isolation, contain elements of truth. But in conflict, those truths become obscured by rhetoric and reaction.

The stakes extend beyond personal disagreement. The U.S.-Vatican relationship has historically served as a stabilizing force, blending moral authority with political power. At a time of rising global instability—from the threat of nuclear proliferation to ongoing regional conflicts—division between these two actors weakens a partnership that has proven effective in confronting such challenges.

As the St. Francis Prayer asks, we can be instruments of God’s peace. Trump and Leo must be such instruments. Reviving the West requires boldness, moral clarity, and the shared understanding that human rights are endowed by our Creator, a truth both the United States and the Vatican believe wholeheartedly.

Despite the public feud between the president and the pope, reconciliation is possible. Both heads of state should meet and mend fences—quickly. People throughout the world, consciously or instinctively, look to both nations for guidance and hope. If a lasting peace is to be achieved, the U.S. and the Vatican need to be indispensable allies. Restoring that partnership will require both leaders to draw not only from conviction, but also from the lessons of history.

The American Mind presents a range of perspectives. Views are writers’ own and do not necessarily represent those of The Claremont Institute.

The American Mind is a publication of the Claremont Institute, a non-profit 501(c)(3) organization, dedicated to restoring the principles of the American Founding to their rightful, preeminent authority in our national life. Interested in supporting our work? Gifts to the Claremont Institute are tax-deductible.

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